Why exclude SC students who are keen to study 'Indian' subjects abroad from the National Scholarship?

The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment’s Nationwide Overseas Scholarship Scheme (NOS) provides funding for SC and ST university children and landless agricultural workers’ families to pursue postgraduate education (Masters and PhD ranges) at top-ranked universities abroad India . This scholarship program has been in operation for nearly seven many years, starting in 1954.

With modest annual funds (less than Rs 20 crore per 12 months in 2021), NOS is seeking scholarships For 100 college students (upgraded to 125 in 12 months of which 115 are for scheduled Caste College students). However, so far six years, only about 50-70 undergraduate students have been awarded these scholarships (annual stories from the Department of Social Justice do not take into account the fact that a significant portion of the provisional awards do not translate correctly into the final disbursement of the scholarship, as proven in the office inclusion).

The Office: A Variety of Final NOS Award Letters Issued Between 2016-2017 to 2021-22








2020-21 2019- 20 2018-19
Mention 28








22 14







SUPPLY: Information obtained below RTI for Mr. A. Overseas. Compared to this, the standard target for the NOS program is just 100 undergraduates (or, as two chemical engineers would get it, 180 components per million or parts per million). Poor program design and contradictory implementation, combined with impractical exclusion criteria, results in a final amount closer to 40 ppm. For example, any MPhil scholar who draws up a modest scholarship at a public institution is likely to exceed the earnings threshold for the NOS programme. We have made our university students wait for 12 months and not use a scholarship to become eligible for the NOS programme.

Until the last 12 months, the NOS Scholarship Program mainly supported college students with majors. However, the new advice released in 12 months excludes “[t]opics/programs regarding India [c]ulture/heritage/[h]istory/[s]research on India.” In addition, the final selection of a subject that falls under these categories “will lead to relaxation with the selection committee of the NOS.” This sudden change was made just two months before the facilities deadline and comes as a crushing blow to those hoping to take advantage of these scholarships for the educational months approaching 12 months. Two undergraduate students from our home institution have taken admission from top-ranked universities within the UK and were hoping to fund their PhD education using a NOS scholarship.

The Ministry did not hold any public session before this radical design was taken. It is pertinent to note here that when the NOS program started in 1954-55, it was limited only to science, knowledge and engineering fields. The humanities and social sciences were added in 2012.

When the 2006 Parliamentary Standing Committee questioned the rationale behind this exclusion, the response of the ministry was that “the subjects, the place where adequate amenities can be found in India They are not normally included in the Overseas Scholarship Topics Checklist. This argument posits that single-purpose undergraduates from traditionally marginalized communities wish to pursue their education abroad because of the higher amenities abroad. It is not unusual for students from traditionally marginalized groups to tolerate explicit and implicit caste discrimination in Indian universities. Obtaining a doctoral diploma from an institution abroad offers higher possibilities of securing university jobs in prestigious Indian institutions. Above all, an external diploma provides a potential escape from the “lack of interest” hint that students from marginalized communities endure every day (even when the scholar does not take advantage of the benefits of confinement).

This new limitation is no surprise, coming from a measure that has consistently shown absolute contempt and contempt for the strictest social sciences and humanities scholarships. However, the cowardice behind muscular nationalism and exclusionary from the “college political science” records cannot fully explain why Dalit and Adivasi College students are not funded.

In recent months, the assertive Dalit status class in the USA and elsewhere has pressured institutions to acknowledge the pernicious penalties of India's caste hierarchy. The Fortune 500 has been sued for inciting caste discrimination, and several other major universities have begun to include caste as a protected class. Intellectual Dalits abroad have been at the forefront of creating a case for why the “dismantling of international Hindutva” cannot succeed without first dismantling international Brahmanism. High class college students are almost completely interested in positive movement insurance policies in American institutions that win Indians. This dominance is particularly full of the social sciences and humanities. Any list of the most profitable students of Indian origin in these fields is dominated by those who used family ties within the upper echelons of Indian forms to provide them with the analysis that propelled them to educational stardom. A tumultuous Dalit diaspora has exposed networks of Brahman guilds that may often not be recognized by well-established students of Indian origin with guardianship powers in major international institutions. When setting themselves up against the white privilege, there may be all the school time of amnesia about the Brahmanical privilege that launched their own ascent. The almost complete Brahman grip on the institutions of the Indian elite. In our personal Indian management institutes, we estimate that at least 80% of all college members simply belong to two 'higher' caste groups which represent less than 7% of India's numerous population. In our home institution (IIM Bangalore), a Brahmin College member runs a non-public YouTube channel with “ satsangs

“Produced using the facilities of the public facility. A certain Bhojan scholar educated in an ideal international institution is a danger to this hegemony. In the midst of further direct attacks on the founding ideas of the Indian Republic, it is easy to gloss over a tour of seemingly innocuous powers affecting what not More than a few dozen college students.However, this can be a huge mistake.

Perhaps the most lucrative challenges to modern empires came from people and teams who mastered the “language” of the empire.Gandhi or Ambedkar both studied Or Nehru within the urban centers of the empire.An era of bhujan students empowered to inquire about centuries of domination and subjugation presents an existential threat to the Brahmanical Empire – an empire that this regime has sworn to protect in any way.The historical past of contemporary India has been altered as a result of Ambedkar's state-funded research Baroda at Columbia College.Our rulers cannot and will not risk another Ambedkar With this very purpose, our most interesting public institutions have been less of a static attack—usually in reality. Rohith Vemula's touching suicide note presents a mortal danger to the Brahman Empire. Dipak Malgan is at school at IIMB Bangalore. Views are private. They tweeted @siddharthkjoshi

and @deepak_malghan respectively.

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